Following the decline of the Swadeshi Movement, India’s national struggle entered a new and radical phase with the emergence of Revolutionary Nationalism. Between 1905 and 1918, the freedom movement experimented with multiple political strategies to counter British imperialism, each contributing significantly to the deepening of national consciousness. The revolutionary stream, in particular, synchronised with the waning mass participation in the Swadeshi movement. Later phases of political activism included the Ghadar Movement and the Home Rule Movement during the First World War.

Several newspapers like Sandhya and Yugantar in Bengal and Kal in Maharashtra began promoting revolutionary ideals during this phase.
Although Extremist leaders like Tilak and Bipin Chandra Pal did not endorse violent methods such as political assassinations, they expressed sympathy and admiration for the courage and patriotism of young revolutionaries. They considered these youths as victims of British repression, whose radical actions were born out of desperation and a lack of peaceful alternatives.













In the Madras Presidency, revolutionary nationalism found expression through the formation of secret societies that aimed to challenge British authority through radical actions. One such group was the Bharatha Matha Sangam, which was formed by Nilakanta Bramhachari, Vanchinathan, Shankar Krishna Aiyar, and a few other dedicated revolutionaries. The Sangam plotted to assassinate influential British officials who were involved in suppressing Indian nationalist movements.

On 17 June 1911, Vanchinathan carried out the assassination of Robert Ashe, a British official notorious for his brutal suppression of protests. Ashe had ordered the firing on a crowd protesting the arrest of Chidambaram Pillai, an Extremist nationalist leader. Vanchinathan’s act was a symbolic expression of resistance against colonial repression in South India.

Revolutionary nationalism was not confined within Indian borders. Many Indian nationalists, unable to operate freely under colonial repression, shifted their base abroad and created influential hubs of resistance in London, Paris, and Berlin. These centres played a critical role in spreading anti-British sentiment and organizing revolutionary activities on a global scale.
In 1905, Shyamji Krishna Varma established three significant institutions in London:

Prominent revolutionaries such as Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and Lala Har Dayal were associated with India House. After Varma was exiled to Paris in 1907, Savarkar assumed leadership of India House. However, following the assassination of Sir Curzon Wyllie by Madan Lal Dhingra, India House was shut down by British authorities in 1909.
In 1905, Madam Bhikaiji Cama, S.R. Rana, and Munchershah Burjorji Godrej established the Paris Indian Society, which served as a shelter for revolutionaries escaping from Britain.
Madam Cama’s contributions were remarkable:

Virendranath Chattopadhyaya (Chatto)
Initially a student of law in London, Virendranath Chattopadhyaya soon became disillusioned with the colonial regime. He associated with Savarkar and became secretary of the journal Swaraj, edited by Savarkar. After fleeing to Paris in 1909, he became a leading voice of Indian nationalism in exile.
In 1915, Chattopadhyaya established the Berlin Committee for Indian Independence. He played a central role in coordinating revolutionary activities in Europe, receiving financial and logistical support from German authorities.

In April 1914, Chattopadhyaya moved to Germany. By September 1914, with help from fellow revolutionaries and German officials like Baron Oppenheim, the Indian Independence Committee was formed in Berlin. The Committee devised several plans to incite rebellion in India:
The early 20th century witnessed a fusion of nationalism with religious fervour. Most revolutionaries were devout individuals who viewed the struggle for freedom as both a political duty and spiritual mission.
However, this religious symbolism also alienated sections of the Muslim population, as the movement appeared to be largely Hindu in character. Still, the early revolutionaries remained focused on one goal: the armed liberation of India from colonial rule, with religion serving as a moral compass and motivational force.
Case / Organization (Year, Place) | Associated People & Description |
The Anushilan Samiti (1902, Bengal) | Founded by Promotha Mitter, Jatindranath Banerjee, Barindra Kumar Ghosh. Published Yugantar and Sandhya Prakash. Promoted Swadeshi dacoities, physical training, and moral education. |
Attempt on Sir Fuller’s Life (1907, Bengal) | Carried out by Yugantar. Targeted Sir Fuller (Lt. Governor of Eastern Bengal and Assam). Fuller resigned after the attempt. |
Muzaffarpur Case / Alipore Conspiracy / Manicktolla Bomb Case (1908, Bengal) | Prafulla Chaki and Khudiram Bose targeted Magistrate Kingsford. Khudiram was hanged; Prafulla died. Aurobindo Ghosh was acquitted; Barindra Kumar Ghosh sentenced to life. |
Barrah Dacoity (1908, Bengal) | Executed by Dacca Anushilan under Pulin Das to fund revolutionary work. |
Delhi Conspiracy Case (1912, Delhi) | Rash Behari Bose and Sachindra Sanyal attempted to assassinate Viceroy Hardinge with a bomb during a procession. |
German Plot / Zimmerman Plan (1916–17, Bengal) | Led by Jatindranath Mukherjee (Bagha Jatin) and Yugantar. Planned insurrection with German arms. Included Swadeshi and boat dacoities to raise funds. |
Ramosi Peasant Force (1879, Maharashtra) | Led by Vasudev Balwant Phadke for an armed revolt against British rule. |
Chapekar Brothers Case (1897, Maharashtra) | Damodar and Balkrishna Chapekar killed Plague Commissioner Rand and Lt. Ayerst in retaliation to oppressive plague measures. |
Mitra Mela (1899, Maharashtra) | Founded by V.D. Savarkar and brother; merged into Abhinav Bharat in 1904. Influenced by Mazzini’s Young Italy. |
Killing of A.M.T. Jackson (1909, Nashik) | Anant Laxman Kanhere (Abhinav Bharat) assassinated Jackson. Kanhere was executed; Savarkar imprisoned. |
Punjab Extremism (Punjab) | Initiated by Lala Lajpat Rai. Groups like Punjabee and Anjuman-i-Mohisban-i-Watan. Revolutionaries included Lala Hardayal, Bhai Parmanand, Syed Haider Raza. |
Assassination of Robert Ash (1911, Madras) | Vanchi Iyer assassinated District Collector Robert Ash (Tirunelveli). |
India House / Indian Home Rule Society (1905, London) | Founded by Shyamji Krishna Varma. Key figures: Savarkar, Hardayal. Published The Indian Sociologist. Inspired networks in Paris, Geneva, London. |
Assassination of Curzon-Wyllie (1909, London) | Madanlal Dhingra assassinated Curzon-Wyllie to protest British rule. |
Ghadar Party (1913, San Francisco) | Founded by Sohan Singh Bhakna, Lala Hardayal, Ramchandra, Kartar Singh Sarabha, Barkatullah, etc. Supported by Germany in WWI. Published revolutionary material; organized armed efforts. |
Berlin Committee (1915, Germany) | Led by Virendranath Chattopadhyaya, Bhupendranath Dutta, Lala Hardayal. Coordinated rebellion plans with German aid under Zimmerman Plan. |
Missions to Kabul, Persia, Turkey, Baghdad | Leaders: Raja Mahendra Pratap, Barkatullah, Obaidullah Sindhi. Tried to form a provisional Indian government in Kabul with Afghan support. |
Singapore Mutiny (Feb 15, 1915, Singapore) | Led by Jamadar Chisti Khan, Abdul Gani, Subedar Daud Khan. Involved 5th Light Infantry and 36th Sikh Battalion. Brutally suppressed; many executed or sentenced. |
In pursuit of their ‘Divide and Rule’ policy, the British colonial authorities actively encouraged the aristocratic and conservative sections of the Muslim community to form a political organisation aimed at safeguarding their supposed communal interests. This was done with the implicit intent of creating divisions within Indian society and undermining the growing influence of the Indian National Congress.
Over time, especially after the Morley-Minto Reforms of 1909, Muslim disillusionment with British policies began to surface. Several developments led to increasing friction:
Gradually, under the leadership of dynamic and progressive leaders like Muhammad Ali, Shaukat Ali, Hasrat Mohani, and Fazlul Haq, the League began moving away from its purely communal orientation. It began to accept the goal of self-government for India and initiated talks with the Congress to explore a common political future.


The establishment of the All India Muslim League marked a significant turning point in Indian political history. Initially a tool of British political strategy, the League evolved over time under pressure from progressive Muslim leaders. Despite its communal origins, its transformation and eventual cooperation with the Congress laid the foundation for the complex trajectory of Muslim politics in India. However, the tendency to view political matters through a religious lens remained a challenge for developing an inclusive and cohesive national movement.

In many traditional societies, religion has often been exploited to evoke emotional unity. In India, however, this was frequently manipulated to foster division, thereby deepening communal sentiments.
Militant nationalism, while invigorating patriotic fervour, also unintentionally alienated Muslims by infusing Hindu symbolism into political movements. Examples:

However, most militant nationalists, including Tilak, sincerely desired Hindu-Muslim unity, and their cultural symbolism was meant more to mobilise people than exclude communities.
British historians distorted Indian history by labelling the medieval era as the ‘Muslim period’, implying perpetual conflict between Hindus and Muslims.
This portrayal ignored the reality that rulers, regardless of religion, acted for power and wealth, not religious conquest.
The truth was:
His fears were based on the idea that, in a democratic setup, Hindus would dominate due to numbers—an argument not grounded in reality, as:
Key British officials who fostered Hindu-Muslim division include:
These policies exacerbated communal divides, weakened the national movement, and laid the groundwork for the eventual two-nation theory.
From the 1870s onwards, a section of Hindu zamindars, money-lenders, and middle-class professionals began propagating an anti-Muslim narrative. These groups fully adopted the colonial interpretation of Indian history, portraying the medieval Muslim rule as tyrannical and oppressive. In their writings and public discourse, they credited the British with having “liberated” the Hindus from this so-called “Muslim oppression.” Importantly, their critique was not aimed at colonial rule but at Muslim communities, sowing seeds of religious division.
The rise of Muslim political consciousness, especially after the formation of the All-India Muslim League in 1906 and the British government’s introduction of separate electorates for Muslims in 1909, further intensified Hindu communal sentiments. In response, several Hindu Sabha organisations emerged across regions such as Punjab, the United Provinces, Bihar, and the Bombay Presidency, with the aim of safeguarding what they perceived as the endangered interests of the Hindu community.
In 1909, Lal Chand and U.N. Mukerji founded the Punjab Hindu Sabha with the explicit objective of defending Hindu interests. Lal Chand famously asserted that every Hindu should consider themselves “a Hindu first and an Indian later.” The Sabha viewed the Indian National Congress (INC) with suspicion, accusing it of undermining Hindu identity by attempting to unify Indians across communal lines.
By 1913, the Punjab Hindu Sabha passed a resolution to establish a national-level umbrella organisation called the All-India Hindu Sabha, further institutionalising Hindu communalism.
The All India Hindu Mahasabha was formally established in 1915 under the leadership of Madan Mohan Malaviya. It emerged as an umbrella organisation bringing together regional Hindu Sabhas. Its primary function was to act as a pressure group representing the interests of orthodox Hindus, particularly in relation to the British administration and even within the Indian National Congress.
Despite its ideological alignment with Hindu traditionalism, the Mahasabha remained a weak political force for many years. This was largely due to the influence of the modern secular intelligentsia and middle-class Hindus, who were more aligned with inclusive nationalism. Moreover, the British government, relying on Muslim communalism for support, offered little backing to Hindu communal elements during this period.
Although the Mahasabha did not overtly support British rule, it also did not actively participate in the Indian national movement. It boycotted the Civil Disobedience Movement of 1930 and the Quit India Movement of 1942, thereby maintaining a stance of political detachment.
Madan Mohan Malaviya, popularly known as ‘Mahamana’, was born on 25 December 1861 in Allahabad (Prayagraj). A distinguished journalist, social reformer, educationist, and lawyer, he became one of the most influential moderate leaders of the Indian National Congress. He firmly opposed the concept of separate electorates for Muslims, especially during the Lucknow Pact negotiations.

He served as the President of the Indian National Congress on four occasions — 1909, 1918, 1930, and 1932. During the 1933 session, owing to his arrest, Nellie Sengupta, a foreign woman, presided over the Congress session — the second foreign woman and third overall to do so.
Malaviya was a staunch advocate of the Hindi language. During British rule, English and Persian dominated administrative and educational institutions. Malaviya sought to reverse this trend by promoting Hindi and Sanskrit culture, advocating for the use of Hindi in education and administration. He worked tirelessly to revive indigenous values and broaden access to Indian-language education.
Recognising the colonial bias of existing educational institutions, Malaviya envisioned a university that would fuse Indian cultural heritage with modern scientific knowledge. This vision materialised with the founding of Banaras Hindu University (BHU) in Varanasi in 1916. BHU provided inclusive education to students from all communities and was a landmark in the history of Indian education. It offered courses in modern sciences, literature, and arts while remaining rooted in Indian civilisational ethos.

Malaviya made significant contributions to Indian journalism. He was the first editor of Hindustan, a newspaper started by Thakur Ramgopal Singh in 1885. His major journalistic initiatives included:
These publications became vehicles for disseminating nationalist thought, social reform, and anti-colonial ideas.
Malaviya was also invested in addressing the plight of Indian peasants. In February 1918, with his support, Gauri Shankar Mishra and Indra Narayan Dwivedi founded the United Provinces Kisan Sabha. This body played a pioneering role in organising peasants in Awadh, mobilising them against oppressive taxes (nazarana) and forced labour (begari). It marked one of the early organised peasant resistances in colonial India.
In recognition of his lifelong service to the nation, Madan Mohan Malaviya was posthumously awarded the Bharat Ratna on 24 December 2014, India’s highest civilian honour.
Outbreak of the First World War (1914) In June 1914, the First World War broke out between two major alliances. On one side were Great Britain, France, Italy, Russia, Japan, and later the United States, and on the other were Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey. The war had far-reaching implications for India, both politically and socially. It revived the Indian nationalist movement, which had experienced a lull following the Swadeshi movement.
Nationalist Response to the War Indian nationalist leaders, including Lokamanya Tilak, initially extended support to the British war effort, not from loyalty or sympathy but under the naive assumption that Britain would reward India with self-governance in return. This hope was soon shattered when it became evident that Britain and other colonial powers were only interested in safeguarding their own empires.
In contrast, revolutionaries, especially the Ghadar revolutionaries based in North America, and leaders like Annie Besant in India, saw the war as an opportunity to intensify the struggle for Indian independence. The Ghadarites sought violent rebellion against British rule, while the Home Rule Leaguers spearheaded mass mobilisations demanding Swaraj or Home Rule.
Formation of the Ghadar Party (1913) The Ghadar Party, originally called the Hindi Association, was founded in Portland, Oregon in May 1913 by Indian revolutionaries residing in the United States and Canada, particularly among Punjabi Sikh peasants and ex-soldiers. These immigrants, who had faced severe racial discrimination, began to organise under the leadership of Lala Har Dayal, who had been lecturing at Stanford University on anarchism and syndicalism.

The founding members included:
The party soon established its headquarters, Yugantar Ashram, in San Francisco, and began publishing a weekly paper titled Ghadar, launched on 1 November 1913 in Urdu and later in Gurmukhi.


Efforts to Spark a Revolt Thousands of Ghadarites returned to India, especially to Punjab, to incite rebellion. Notably:
Despite their efforts:
Severe Repression
Singapore Mutiny (1915)
Achievements
Weaknesses
Legacy Despite its failure in achieving immediate objectives, the Ghadar Movement significantly contributed to India’s freedom struggle by:
Tilak’s Return and Shift in Outlook (1914) Upon returning from his imprisonment in Mandalay, Bal Gangadhar Tilak emerged as a transformed leader:

Efforts by Annie Besant and Tilak
Agreement between Congress and Muslim League
Significance
Legacy
The period from 1913 to 1916 marked a critical phase in India’s struggle for independence. The Ghadar Movement represented the rise of diaspora-led revolutionary nationalism, while the Lucknow Pact symbolised political compromise and unity. Both events reflected the maturing of Indian political consciousness in the context of a global war, shaping the direction of the freedom movement for decades to come.
The Indian Home Rule Movement (1916-1918) emerged during the First World War as a significant political response to the lack of meaningful reforms from the British colonial government. It was a concerted effort to demand self-government within the British Empire, inspired by the Irish Home Rule movement. The movement marked a revival of nationalist activity after the lull that followed the Swadeshi movement.
Two separate but coordinated Home Rule Leagues were established in 1916:

A joint meeting of both Leagues was held after the 1916 Lucknow Session of Congress, attended by over 1,000 delegates.
Activities included:
In June 1917, the government arrested Annie Besant, B.P. Wadia, and George Arundale.
This triggered widespread protests:
The movement began to lose momentum due to:

✔ Kept the national movement alive during WWI.
✔ Popularised the concept of self-government among the Indian masses.
✔ Revived nationalist spirit through peaceful and constitutional means.
✔ Created grassroots political awareness, building networks that proved invaluable later.
✔ Provided a new leadership base—many Home Rule League workers later became Congress stalwarts.
✔ Laid the foundation for mass mobilisation under Gandhi’s leadership.
The Home Rule Movement was not merely a political campaign—it was a bridge between early moderate politics and Gandhian mass politics, transforming Indian nationalism into a more dynamic, inclusive force.

Lala Lajpat Rai, popularly known as ‘Punjab Kesari’ or the Lion of Punjab, was born on 28 January 1865 in the Ludhiana district of Punjab. He was one of the prominent extremist leaders of the Indian National Congress and part of the famed Lal-Bal-Pal trio (Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and Bipin Chandra Pal).

Aurobindo Ghosh was born on 15 August 1872 in Calcutta. He was a nationalist revolutionary, philosopher, poet, and later, a spiritual leader. His multifaceted life bridged political activism and profound spiritual transformation.
Tagore called Aurobindo the “Messiah of Indian Culture,” while C.R. Das hailed him as the “poet of patriotism, prophet of nationalism, and lover of humanity.”

Bipin Chandra Pal, born in Sylhet (now in Bangladesh), was one of the most vocal and radical leaders of the extremist faction of the Congress and a key figure of the Lal-Bal-Pal trio.
Started several newspapers:
Was also Assistant Editor of Bengal Public Opinion and The Tribune (Lahore).




Sardar Ajit Singh, a prominent revolutionary and the uncle of Shaheed Bhagat Singh, played a crucial role in sowing the seeds of nationalist agitation in Punjab during the early 20th century. He was deeply committed to resisting British colonial oppression and is remembered for his pivotal role in organising peasant protests.

Rash Behari Bose, born on 25 May 1886 in Bengal, emerged as one of the earliest architects of the revolutionary nationalist movement in India and abroad.

Not to be confused with the physicist of the same name, Satyendranath Bose was a brave revolutionary who made the ultimate sacrifice during the Alipore Bomb Case.

Madan Lal Dhingra, born in Amritsar in 1883, was a revolutionary nationalist who took the battle for freedom to British soil.
Guru Dutt Kumar, also known as Swami Muktanand or Moti Ram, was a pioneering revolutionary and one of the earliest architects of the Ghadar Movement.

Taraknath Das was a Bengali revolutionary, scholar, and founder of several nationalist platforms abroad.